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THE
BIOGRAPHICAL REGISTER OF THE AUSTRALIAN LABOUR MOVEMENT: A PROGRESS
REPORT
BY JOHN SHIELDS AND ANDREW MOORE
The
Register project is now in its 11th year and progressing surely,
if slowly, towards completion. Whilst there is still much to be
done, we are now beginning to see some light at the end of the tunnel.
Conceived in the late 1980s, the project received an initial boost
by way of seed funding from the University of Western Sydney, Macarthur.
Then, in 1990, it secured a large two-year grant from the Australian
Research Council, which enabled the completion of an extensive biographical
survey of labour movement journals and newspapers. Since then, in
our capacity as joint editors, we have pursued the project largely
as a labour of love.
The aim is the publication of a collective biographical research
aid containing brief cross-referenced entries on 2,000 individuals,
selected on the basis of their particular contribution to the history
of organised labour in Australia down to 1975. In the great majority
of cases, the main qualification for inclusion is active involvement
in a trade union or other workplace, community or political organisation,
as either a union official or as a prominent rank-and-file union
member.
We have limited ourselves to a sample of 2,000 for eminently practical
reasons. It may sound like an absurdly small number, but funds are
scarce, life is short, and we can only trust that those who follow
us will be sufficiently motivated to want to build on our efforts.
Similarly, we have settled on the forward cut-off date of 1975 for
reasons both practical and sentimental. 1975 was, of course, a momentous
turning point in Australian political history. It also marked the
end of the long period of Australian union growth and development
which began around 1900/1910. But theres also a more pragmatic
reason. A 20 year no-go zone also permits us to distance ourselves
from sensitive present-day issues on which the dust and documents
have yet to settle. Our intention is to include personalities whose
lives extended beyond 1975, provided their peak period of involvement
and influence - their floruit - fell prior to this date.
PURPOSE
To the best of our knowledge, the Register represents the first
systematic attempt to employ a collective biographical approach
to flesh out the historical shape and texture of the Australian
labour movement. We are certainly not the first country where this
has been attempted. There are now several exemplary international
publications in the genre of historical collective biographies of
national labour movements. Amongst the best of these are:
- The
multi-volume British Dictionary of Labour Biography (which
has been running since the early 1970s)
- Dictionnaire
Biographique du Mouvement Ouvrier Francais (launched in 1964
and running to more than 30 vols.)
- Biographical
Dictionary of American Labor (a single volume work first published
in 1974 and revised and updated in 1984).
These
are dictionaries with full prose entries, sometimes running to several
thousand words each. Whilst we draw inspiration from these great
projects, our objectives (and resources!) are more limited.
Australias premier collective biographical project, of course,
is the Australian Dictionary of Biography (ADB). Our aim
is not to replicate material already published in the ADB,
but to dig a little more deeply. The 14 volumes of the ADB published
to day carry entries on some 500 labour activists. For the most
part, these people comprise the pantheon of organised labour: long-time
union officials, parliamentarians, prime ministers, the occasional
radical and ratbag. Our purpose all along has been to document the
lives of the many significant labour activists for whom no published
biographical entries currently exist, especially those who remained
outside the parliamentary sphere. With the ADB people, all that
we are doing in most cases is including a one line reference to
the relevant ADB volume. Along the way though weve
occasionally felt it necessary to together corrective
entries on some ADB worthies - not many, mind you, but a
few. (e.g. V.G. Childe, Tom Mann, Christian Jolly-Smith).
We are also well aware of the problematic nature of the concept
of a labour movement and the positivist assumptions
behind historical registers and dictionaries
of this type. But we see the Register as something other than a
mere artefact of the modernist meta-narrative. We see it as act
of historical redress. These people deserve our understanding and
acknowledgment. Their lives deserve recovery, reconstruction and
remembrance.
By the same token, the Register is anything but a pastiche of potted
hagiographies. By drawing together information on hundreds of individuals
who were often at the centre of deep conflict within the organised
working class, we hope that the Register may contribute to a better
understanding of the diversity and division which has so often characterised
the history of Australian labour. Weve gone for a warts
and all profile: if weve got rebels, rank-and-filists,
stump orators, and strike stalwarts and fearless class warriors,
weve also tried to include the respectable moderates, glorious
failures, spies, union turncoats, party rats, union fund embezzlers,
and the like.
THE CURRENT POSITION
Where does the Register stand at present? The planned primary source
research was completed several years ago, although theres
still plenty of gap-filling still to be done. The selection process
is complete, i.e we have short-listed 2,000 non-ADB people,
including 1725 men and 275 women.
We have 800 entries in draft form, i.e. 40% of the projected total.
Around 100 of these have come from volunteer contributors. Our entries
do not have the polished elegance of an ADB entry; each is
basically a life precis rather than a biographical essay. Each entry
is written to standard format, with the heart of the entry being
a point by point chronology of the persons public career.
Word length ranges between 50 and 800 words, with the average being
about 400 words. Heres an example, selected more or less at
random from our data base:
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SAINSBURY
(also SAULISBURY), Rex Charles (Bob) (c.1892-1935)
B. 1892, London, England. S. William Charles Saulisbury and
Mary nee Tipping. M. Amy-May Mariana Young nee Smith, Waverley,
NSW, 1915. 10 s/d. D. 25 June 1935, Newcastle, NSW.
Possible member of IWW; impressive orator. Involved in Brisbane
tramway strike, 1912; left Brisbane after police raid on home.
Tramway guard, NSW government tramways, Sydney, at time of
marriage. Moved to Lithgow c.1916, working in Small Arms Factory.
Joined Small Arms Factory Employees Association; active
in local Labor League and in anti-conscription campaign in
1916-17; left Lithgow after fire at Small Arms Factory in
early 1918. Subsequently in Narrabri area, then to Picton
in early 1920s; family living with wifes parents at
Gosford in mid- to late 1920s. Construction worker briefly
at Avon Dam, NSW; secretary of Australian Workers Union
at dam site, organising site workforce and presented with
gold watch by fellow workers. To Newcastle c.1925; Organiser
for AWU; secretary of AWU Northern District; left AWU c.1926,
joining United Labourers Protective Society, becoming
organiser c.1927, retaining post until death; ULPS secretary
at time of death. Secretary of New Lambton branch of ALP,
president ALP Waratah State Electorate Council; president
Newcastle Federal Electorate Council. ULPS delegate to Newcastle
Trades Hall Council. Member NTHC Management Committee; Council
president in early 1930s; senior vice-president 1935. Close
associate of H. Sutherland and L. Wells (qq.v.).
Newcastle Morning Herald, 27 June 1935; Information
from Paul Sainsbury, Newcastle, 1992; information from Greg
Patmore, Sydney, 1996.
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Entry writing itself is A demanding, time-consuming and at, times,
exhausting process - but we are getting there - albeit more slowly
than we had hoped! Sifting through the fragments of biographical
information requires just as much attention to detail, selection,
interpretation, and corroboration as any other form of properly
conducted historical inquiry.
So far, weve put most of our effort into drafting entries
on the women candidates, and that process is now largely complete
- although, again, there are still quite a few gaps to fill in these
entries.
Our attention is now focused on the men, on whom we currently have
about 500 draft entries. Because the evidence available on the typical
male activist tends to be more completer and less fragmented than
that on the women, we are actually progressing rather more rapidly
with the males.
Finding a publisher with the requisite patience and faith has been
a fairly traumatic process. Thankfully, though, the Industrial Relations
Research Centre at the University of New South Wales has come to
our rescue and agreed to help with publication. Basically, or aim
is to market the finished product in two forms: in two volume perfect
bound hard copy, with subject index, and in CD-ROM form enabling
key word searches and instant updates as more info.
comes to hand.
SELECTION
This has undoubtedly been the most troublesome part of whole exercise.
For a person to be selected in, he or she much have had an active
and influential association with a union or other recognised labour
movement organisation, such as a political party, shop committee,
co-operative society, womens auxiliary body, or workers educational
association.
Were not aiming for a representative sample in
narrow statistical sense. The selection process has really been
driven by our research net, which weve tried to make as comprehensive
as possible. Our final selection hopefully reflects the varied backgrounds
of 4,000 or so people who have made it into our main file system.
Our data base initially had a bias towards figures from the mainland
Eastern States, but weve sought to redress this by undertaking
special research on figures from Tasmania, WA and the Northern Territory.
Heres how the final selection is distributed between the states.

Were
still not entirely comfortable with this distribution. As you can
see, the numbers still favour the three most populous states. However,
the rank ordering seems to be about right.
In making our selections, weve engaged in a substantial degree
of affirmative action, especially in favour of those
outside the category of capital-city dwelling, Anglo-Celtic, mid-twentieth
century male.
Weve sought to achieve a balance between capital city activists
and those from important regional centres like Newcastle, Wollongong,
Ballarat, Kalgoorlie, Broken Hill, Townsville and Darwin. For instance,
weve selected in about 50-60 activists from the
Hunter region and 20-25 each from Broken Hill and the Eastern Goldfields
of WA. The overall distribution is about 1450 capital city activists
to 550 regionals.
Were very conscious of the relatively low number of pre-1890
activists in our selection. The period of heaviest concentration
is 1920-1950, though weve endeavoured to distribute the selection
between this and the two adjoining periods as evenly as possible.
Heres how our entries are distributed by time period according
to individual floruit.
We
must also confess to being rather surprised at the apparently low
proportion of women in our final selection, some 280, or 14%. Has
our sample done the sisterhood an injustice or does it simply reflect
the longstanding preponderance of males in the labour movement?
We have paid special attention to women ALP activists, and this
does seem to have paid off. For instance, weve turned up information
on many important unsung Labor Party women associated
with Womens Central Organising Committees in NSW, Victoria
and WA.
Thanks largely to the expertise and advice of volunteer contributors
like Julie Wells and Eve Gibson, weve been able to assemble
entries on about 20 Aboriginal worker-activists, people like Fred
Waters, Dexter Daniels, Jack McGinness, Dooley Bin Bin and Vincent
Lingiari.
At another level, weve favoured those whose activism was meteoric
and cathartic over those who might be said to have been time-servers.
In particular, weve gone out of our way to honour the movements
martyrs, most of whom had a greater impact in death
than whilst alive, eg: Billy McLean, the AWU member who died after
being shot at Grassmere station during the shearers strike
of 1894; Thomas Garraway who died from an infection contracted whilst
serving a sentence for his part in the Sydney Rockchoppers
strike of 1908; Merv Flanagan, who was shot and killed by a strikebreaker
in 1917, Tom Edwards, the Fremantle wharfie killed on Bloody
Sunday in 1919; and, of course, coalminer Norman Brown, killed
by a police bullet at Rothbury in 1929.
Weve also sought to pay homage to the jail-birds - those who
spent time behind bars for the union cause. And there are plenty
of those - from convict rebels like Frank the Poet and 1891 Queensland
shearers strike activists William Bennett, Hugh Blackwell,
William Fothergill and Shearblade Martin, to Ted Roach from the
Port Kembla Wharfies, who served time for contempt of the Arbitration
Court in 1952, and Clarrie OShea in 1969.
Weve also sought to shed light on some other neglected margins
of labour activism, particularly amongst groups of workers traditionally
regarded with suspicion by the mainstream labour movement. For instance,
we have an entry on William Brooks, the prime-mover behind the Melbourne
police strike of 1923.
Weve also captured a few strike-breakers, agent provocateurs
and police spies, most notably, perhaps, the FBI plant in the infant
CPA, Harry Wicks. Then theres the anti-communist provocateur
Joseph Victor Batkin, who was active in NSW and WA in the 1930s.
Doubtless weve included some whose clandestine role remains
unknown to us.
On the other hand, weve excluded dozens of figures whose main
attribute seems to have been length of official tenure or simply
longevity. Plenty of parliamentarians have been ruled out on similar
grounds.
THE REGISTER AND THE LARGER CANVAS
Weve always looked upon the project as something more than
an exercise in mere biographical fact-grubbing. Our hope was that
the method of collective biography would shed light on some hitherto
unrecognised facets of the history of labour activism in Australia.
And in its own modest way, we think that it has. Here are a few
of the insights weve arrived at.
Weve uncovered some significant patterns of inter-regional
migration of worker activists; often associated with strike activity
and subsequent blacklisting and victimisation in the centre of origin;
particularly characteristic of miners. These inter-regional movements
highlight the importance of itinerant radicalism in the regional
mobilisation of the Australian working class down to World War Two.
The entries also highlight the importance of sport to male working
class culture and militancy; for example, soccer amongst coalminers,
boxing and rugby league amongst wharfies.
More controversially, perhaps, we think the entries also shed some
light on the nature of worker-intellectualism in Australia. There
are certainly many examples of fine home-grown worker-intellectuals
in the Register. Yet, examining the fine print, one also gets the
impression that Australian workers do not seem to have embraced
the tradition of auto-didactism which was such a defining feature
of British working class culture down to the mid-twentieth century.
The Mechanics Institutes, union debating clubs, socialist Sunday
Schools, Plebs Leagues, WEA and university Labor Clubs were certainly
patronised by many of our activists, but the commitment tended to
be relatively short lived rather than life-long.
In chasing up information on women activists, weve been struck
by the early emergence and strength of womens political networks
within the labour movement - almost a movement within a movement!
Particularly significant here were the Labor Womens Central
Organising Committees set up in the first years of Federation and
womens enfranchisement. It is very clear that these bodies
were much more than mere auxiliaries - they were important centres
of power and influence in their own right.
By the same token, in writing the entries on women activists, weve
been struck by just how many of them remained unmarried. It seems
that, for most women, marriage was indeed a decided barrier to their
continued participation in the public sphere of labour activism.
Did married jump from the labour movement bandwagon or were they
pushed? Perhaps the long-standing official and unofficial bars on
married women taking paid jobs in the public service and the banks
(and in places like Broken Hill in all areas of paid employment!)
has something to do with their relative absence from the ranks of
labour activists. Or was it just that married women remained active
but in a less public way?
Our intention is to incorporate these and other musings into an
article-length introduction to the published version.
We certainly dont see the Register as a definitive
exercise. It is an open-ended, ongoing project. The file system
and the published register will be there for all labour historians
to build on and improve. In this sense, the Register is truly an
exercise in collective scholarship. It you have information on people
who you think we should know about, please let us know.
John Shields teaches human resource management and has a special
interest in the fields of performance and reward management. He
is currently completing a teaching text on performance and reward
management and is undertaking collaborative research on reward practices
in Australian and Canadian firms, focusing on the links between
management strategy and remuneration practice. John van be contacted
at j.shields@econ.usyd.edu.au.
For more details of his research interests and publications see
his WOS
staff page.
Andrew
Moore is Associate professor in the School of Humanities at the
University of Western Sydney. Andrew can be contacted at a.moore@uws.edu.au
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